No Security or Prosperity Without Climate Adaptation

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Comment by Dr. Beatrice John, Vivianne Rau

Vogelperspektive auf Berlin mit Sicht auf den Tiergarten und dem Brandenburger Tor in der Mitte
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Germany’s new government has presented its coalition agreement under the title “Responsibility for Germany”—at a time defined by the consequences of climate change. While security is one of the coalition’s key goals, it is the prevailing insecurity that we must confront. Extreme drought and yet another year of record-breaking heat serve as stark reminders that the climate crisis is already a reality. 

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This upcoming legislative term will be the hottest ever recorded. The coalition agreement sets out the political priorities for the coming years and could—or should—place a strong focus on climate adaptation. So what does the agreement offer for health, the economy, nature, and security under changing climatic conditions? 

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Blick auf den Berliner Reichstag im Dunkeln
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Merz’s Black-Red Coalition Announces Climate Adaptation Strategies 

It is positive that the agreement explicitly emphasises the importance of climate adaptation and pledges to continue existing strategies, such as the German Strategy for Adaptation to Climate Change (DAS). Strategic research funding will continue to support climate adaptation efforts. A special framework plan for nature conservation and climate adaptation, developed jointly with the federal states, offers hope for a more systematic approach to preventive measures. These are important steps—but at most sideways steps. A real step forward would require greater ambition. 

What’s missing is a clear implementation plan for the more than 180 measures outlined in the national adaptation strategy. Funding for climate adaptation as a joint national task remains unresolved and is once again subject to “review”, despite a legal opinion on this being finalised in late 2024. 

Blue-green infrastructure is highlighted in the water strategy. Yet the language, as in many areas, avoids specifics and commitments. Only “prioritised” measures are to be implemented, and the funding of necessary investments is to be “reviewed”. Against the backdrop of a drought monitor glowing deep red, critical questions arise: What are the criteria for prioritisation? Who is protected first, and who bears the burden? How are conflicts of interest—between water supply, infrastructure, and individuals—resolved? 

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Rising Conflicts Due to Climate Change 

Conflicts of interest and goals will inevitably increase as climate change progresses. The coalition agreement creates contradictions that may intensify these conflicts and obscure a transparent approach. One particularly concerning point is the regression at the expense of effective adaptation. On the one hand, the Black-Red coalition affirms its commitment to climate neutrality and adaptation, yet on the other, it retains harmful subsidies. Key laws, such as the Soil Protection Act and the Supply Chain Act, are being weakened or rejected. Particularly troubling is the stance on the EU Nature Restoration Law, which holds significant potential for improving water systems and ecosystems. According to the agreement, the regulation is to be simplified and reviewed in practice. 

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Coalition Agreement May Make Legal Action by Environmental Groups More Difficult 

Further contradictions emerge from proposed deregulation. In the name of reducing bureaucracy, structural disadvantages for civil society and environmental protection are accepted. The abolition of the Freedom of Information Act was prevented, but restrictions on environmental group lawsuits have found their way into the agreement. This could make it harder for environmental organisations to sue on behalf of nature. A look at France shows how essential legal accountability is: for the first time, a broad civil alliance there is suing the government over inadequate climate adaptation. 

 While civil society faces restrictions, the influence of lobbyists on policy is growing. Isolated endorsements in the agreement—for example, of alpine pasture farming—raise concerns about the government’s priorities. Instead of hampering civil society, transparent adaptation criteria and democratic participation should be strengthened. 

Proven Tools Exist for Climate Adaptation 

Proven tools like vulnerability analyses and climate risk data can scientifically ensure high-quality adaptation—not based on purely economic or special interest considerations. Used consciously, these tools point the way forward: Where are neighbourhoods being redeveloped in a climate-resilient way? Where is investment going to support local climate adaptation economies? How can those most at risk—who cannot afford adaptation measures themselves—be protected? 

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Demo am Brandenburger Tor mit einem Stock im Vordergrund, das Buchstaben balanciert, die folgenden Satz bilden: "Make The World Green Again".
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Climate Change Poses Major Challenges to the Federal Government 

A functioning public infrastructure is the foundation of security in Germany. Its continued existence is a declared aim of the new government, with significant investments in a wide range of infrastructures. However, climate change places critical components of public services—such as water infrastructure—and the stability of healthcare systems under enormous pressure. Local governments, companies, and their staff are already working daily to provide these services under increasingly challenging climate conditions in order to safeguard both internal and human security. 

This makes it all the more concerning that the "Pact for Civil Protection" lacks an explicit connection to the increasing material and organisational demands brought on by climate hazards, as well as a deeper understanding of the growing number of vulnerable groups in society. 

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Climate Adaptation Requires Investment in Climate-Resilient Infrastructure 

The resources outlined in the coalition agreement must be targeted at climate-resilient infrastructure, nature-based solutions, and support for municipalities. Only then can public services play their vital role in the face of climate change. As early as 2022, the Environment Ministers’ Conference estimated the enormous financial and staffing requirements needed through to 2030 for climate and nature protection. At that time, estimates for climate adaptation alone stood at €38 billion. Yet the entire coalition agreement is subject to financial constraints. Even more funding may be needed to support the federal states and municipalities. 

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Vogelperspektive auf einen Ort in Deutschland mit einem grünen Park im Vordergrund
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Thousands Die in Germany Due to Extreme Weather 

Every year, thousands of people in Germany die as a result of extreme weather events, with heat being the deadliest threat. Climate adaptation must be recognised as life-saving public health protection. Yet the coalition agreement fails to state this clearly. Effective adaptation also offers numerous co-benefits aligned with the government’s goals of security and prosperity. Regional sectors focused on adaptation could emerge, promoting socio-ecological innovation in a post-fossil economy. One example is the Ruhr metropolitan region, where a well-managed structural transformation has already created a “climate adaptation economy” employing 44,000 people. 

In foreign and development policy, occupational health and safety, and social justice, climate change as a threat and adaptation as an opportunity remain unmentioned—and thus invisible and untapped. 

It would be irresponsible to wait for a litmus test to realise the necessity of climate adaptation. Here are five concrete suggestions for how we can collectively take “Responsibility for Germany” beyond government action. 

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Climate Change – Five Proposals for Adaptation 

  1. Commitment Through Political Action: Ministries and agencies can independently prioritise climate adaptation, replacing vague review mandates with concrete implementation plans and decisive action. The environment, transport, health, and interior ministries are particularly called upon to lead with clear measures. 

  2. Identify Blind Spots: Gaps in content must be addressed through independent initiatives, such as a long-term heat protection plan by the health ministry, or implementing results from the “Climate Changes Work” workshop via the labour ministry. 

  3. Establish a Cross-Sectoral Approach at Administrative Level: Ministries and authorities should embed climate adaptation as a cross-cutting task and dismantle siloed thinking through inter-ministerial working groups—also at the state level. 

  4. Build a New Lobby for Climate Adaptation: Greater political pressure and awareness require a broad alliance of actors—a “climate adaptation lobby” made up of civil society, science, media, and trade unions. 

  5. Make Successes Visible: Good examples must be made more visible to showcase their effectiveness and feasibility and to inspire replication. Campaigns like Heat Action Day or Climate Adaptation Week can help achieve this. Review, delay, postpone—such inaction would be a security risk for Germany. 

 The coalition agreement, as a whole, is unfortunately not the forward-looking document on climate adaptation that it could have been. It is therefore all the more up to us all—government, civil society, and the private sector—not to waste any more time and to actively shape a resilient future. 

This Opinion piece was first published on 4 May 2025 by Frankfurter Rundschau in German.

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Adaptation & Vulnerability

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